| Title: | 163 : Economic Inefficiencies in Farm-Market Linkages in Agriculture Value Chain in India: Problems and Solutions |
| Author/s: | Anshul Pachouri |
| Abstract: | ndian Agriculture sector is the backbone of Indian Economy which employs more than 50% of the total wor kforce. The percentage contribution of Agriculture sector in India's GDP is around 14%, which is growing by just merely 2.8% for the period of 2011 - 12. The growth of Agriculture sector is extremely important for India to ensure food availability and sustai ning rural livelihood. The agriculture value chain of India is suffering from many bottlenecks which lead to low income to farmers and high inflation in food - prices. The paper focuses mainly on the horticultural commodities like fruits and vegetables val ue chain and studies the different inefficiencies in the agriculture value - chain of India focusing on farm - market linkages. This paper presents the different reasons of these inefficiencies in the present value chain and possible remedies for the same. |
| Date: | 28 December 2012 |
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| Title: | 162 : Northeast India-Southeast Asia Connectivity: Barrier to Bridge |
| Author/s: | Laldinkima Sailo |
| Abstract: | Despite being the only part of India that provides land connectivity to Southeast Asia, the Northeast Region (NER) has received very little or negligible attention under New Delhi's Look East Policy. In fact, the region was not considered a part of the policy for many years but there has been a change . Today, the Northeast Region is portrayed as an important foc al point , and the development of this region is often cited as one of the main objectives of the Look East Policy. Indeed, the impression about the region has transformed from that of a barrier to a bridge between India and Southeast Asia. This paper trace s the internal dynamics, the Government of India's attitude towards the region and the external factors that have led to this transformation. |
| Date: | 16 November 2012 |
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| Title: | 161 : Transition in Afghanistan: Winning the War of Perceptions |
| Author/s: | Shanthie Mariet D'Souza |
| Abstract: | A decade after the military intervention that dislodged the Taliban - Al Qaeda combine, peace and stability continues to elude Afghanistan. There is still no consensus in Western capitals on what constitutes the ‘end - state’ in Afghanistan. The Western public's frustration with a long - drawn war has coalesced with the global economic slowdown, the Euro c risis and the pressures of electoral campaign politics in the United States – thereby complicating the efforts for the long - term stabilisation of Afghanistan. Premature announcements of exit and dwindling financial assistance have added to the Afghan anxie ties of being ‘abandoned’ once again. This paper brings to light the divergent perceptions among the key stakeholders in Afghanistan and in the international community (IC) on the trajectory of the ‘inteqal’ (transition) process. The paper argues that the war in Afghanistan is essentially a war of perceptions on progress made thus far. This widening gap in perceptions is bound to complicate the transition and long term stabilisation process |
| Date: | 30 October 2012 |
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| Title: | 160 : Small States in UN System: Constraints, Concerns, and Contributions |
| Author/s: | Iftekhar Ahmed Chowdhury |
| Abstract: | Small states in the global system are seeking to organise themselves effectively in the international scene. They face many challenges and constraints but also possess the potential to contribute to better global governance. The study notes Singapore's role in this regard and examines the contributions of two South Asian small-states, namely Bhutan and the Maldives in the creation of global norms. If present political trends continue, the paper extrapolates that the number of small states will grow. |
| Date: | 24 October 2012 |
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| Title: | 159 : Obama Administration’s Pivot to Asia-Pacific and India’s Role |
| Author/s: | S D Muni |
| Abstract: | US strategy to extricate itself from unwinnable conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan and ‘rebalance’ its position in the Asia - Pacific region was announced by President Obama in November 2011. Under this strategy the significance of the Asia - pacific region, pa rticularly China, as a fast growing and speedily rising region , is emphasi s ed to underline US re - engagement with the region. India, because of its impressive economic growth and strategic position in the Indian Ocean and the Malacca Strait areas , is seen a s a key partner in this strategy. India looks favourably towards this strategy owing to its own concerns about an assertive and militarily powerful China. The extent and pace of India’s participation in the US strategy would , however , be defined by the con siderations of India’s own strategic autonomy in the region and China’s behaviour towards its border dispute and India’s strategic priorities in the immediate neighbourhood. |
| Date: | 29 August 2012 |
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| Title: | 158 : China-South Asia Strategic Engagements – 3 Sino-Myanmar Relationship: Past Imperfect, Future Tense |
| Author/s: | Sudha Ramachandran |
| Abstract: | n May 2011, Myanmar's 3 new President, U Thein Sein visited China, making it the destination of his first state visit si nce assuming the presidency in March. In doing so, he signalled that Myanmar's new, quasi - civilian government, like the military junta before it, would continue to give priority to China in the hierarchy of its foreign relations. Reiterating what several of his predecessors have said since 1988, Thein Sein declared during the visit that Myanmar's relationship with China is the'closest and most important diplomatic relationship' for Myanmar (Bhatia 2011). |
| Date: | 23 August 2012 |
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| Title: | 157 : China-South Asia Strategic Engagements – 2 Bhutan-China Relations |
| Author/s: | Mathew Joseph C. |
| Abstract: | Geographic location plays an important role in determining the foreign policy choices of countries. This is invariably true despite the size and resources available to countries. Countries which are fortunate to have access to seas are distinct in many way s from the landlocked states in this regard. If the state is landlocked, small in size and not so rich in terms of resources, the fate of such a state would be all the more precarious. Bhutan belongs to the afore - mentioned category of small landlocked stat es. |
| Date: | 23 August 2012 |
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| Title: | 156 : Which Way is Pakistan Heading? – 3 |
| Author/s: | Shahid Javed Burki |
| Abstract: | In this concluding part of the three Working Papers on the grim Pakistani situation as of midAugust 2012, “the positives” on the economic front are examined. These include the decision to decentralise a significant part of economic decision-making from the centre to the provinces. This was done by amending the Constitution. The recent thaw in the economic relationship with India is also viewed as a highly positive development. If this results in a relatively free flow of trade between the two countries, that alone could add as much as 2.4 percentage points to the rate of growth in Pakistan’s GDP. The large Pakistani diaspora in three continents and the remittances they send back to the homeland is another positive. In 2011-12 the capital flow from this particular source was equivalent to seven per cent of the national income. The fourth positive discussed in the paper is the extent to which women are acquiring education and skills. This has enabled many of them to play important roles in some of the modern sectors of the economy. Women have also begun to perform important entrepreneurial roles, particularly in the sectors of education, communication, and microfinance. The paper also discusses some of the strategies the country could adopt to put an end to the uncertainties that affect the performance of the economy. |
| Date: | 21 August 2012 |
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| Title: | 155 : Which Way is Pakistan Heading? – 2 |
| Author/s: | Shahid Javed Burki |
| Abstract: | This Working Paper, the second of a three-part series, examines the performance of Pakistan's economy since 2008. In February of that year, elections were held that brought to power in Islamabad a political party -- the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) -- which was resolutely opposed to the rule by the military. Its main preoccupation in the first few months of its rule, therefore, was to force General Pervez Musharraf to give up the presidency. This goal was achieved in August when the president resigned. A month later Asif Ali Zardari, the PPP’s co-chairman, was elected to the office vacated by Musharraf. Once in full political power, the party governed poorly. It allowed the country’s economy to slip into a recession that has lasted for five years, the longest in history. The paper suggests that, while some external factors and natural disasters damaged the economy, bad management was the main reason for the economic downturn. Poor governance not only resulted in increased corruption but also in allowing serious electricity and natural gas shortages to take a heavy economic toll. With corruption increasing the cost of doing business and with severe shortages of some vital inputs, there was a significant decline in investment by the private sector. At the same time the country’s relations with the United States deteriorated to the extent that there were calls in America for suspending all aid to Pakistan. The result was a sharp decline in the badly-needed external capital. The country failed to make the adjustments needed in its fiscal policy to compensate for the decline in external flows by increasing domestic resource mobilisation. This meant that public sector investment also declined. The two combined – declines in private and public investments – means that slowdown in the rate of economic growth is likely to persist for some time. In sum, the paper suggests that the economy has been driven to the edge of an abyss from which it needs to be pulled back. That will require concerted action on a number of fronts |
| Date: | 21 August 2012 |
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| Title: | 154 : Which Way is Pakistan Heading |
| Author/s: | Shahid Javed Burki |
| Abstract: | Which way is Pakistan headed? The question is important not only for the citizens of Pakistan but also for the country’s immediate neighbours. It is important also for the entire world. A recent book authored by David E. Sanger, who covers the United States’ global strategic interests for The New York Times, has some interesting observations about how the administration headed by President Barack Obama viewed Pakistan as the relations between the two began to sour3. He wrote that by the end of 2011, the American President had come to the conclusion that Pakistan was the world’s most dangerous place. Not only was there a great deal of internal turmoil in the country, Pakistan also had the world’s fourth or fifth largest nuclear arsenal. If Pakistan collapsed and if internal divisions within the country’s army split it apart, the security of nuclear weapons could not be ensured. It would be catastrophic if these weapons of mass destruction fell into the wrong hands. Pakistan’s security was, therefore, of interest and concern for the entire international community. The country remained unsettled after the long rule by the military and the beginning of a new political order. There were significant changes made in the Constitution that led to the grant of greater autonomy to the provinces. There was also repeal of Basic Law that had given the president powers to dismiss the prime minister and dissolve the national and provincial assemblies. In spite of this change, President Asif Ali Zardari remained in effect the main executive authority. The economy continued to perform poorly with the 2007-12 downturn being the longest-stretching recession in the country’s history. Pakistan remained dependent on external capital flows to maintain even the low level of investment in the economy. But these flows became less certain as relations with the United States deteriorated in 2010-11. And the rise of Islamic extremism remained unabated. This paper, presented in three parts, examines how the various systems – economic, political and social – developed over time in Pakistan and how they were being shaped as 2012 draws to a close, and attempts to answer the question: Which way Pakistan appears to be headed at this time? The first part sets the stage for the analysis that follows and also analyses the development of the political order after the military left the scene in March 2008 |
| Date: | 21 August 2012 |
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| Title: | 153 : China-South Asia Strategic Engagements |
| Author/s: | Ma Jiali |
| Abstract: | South Asia is att racting more and more concerns in the international political arena , and it is China's close neighbour in the southwest . International political observers generally agree that South Asia is not only the subcontinent closely adjacent to China but also the w restling field full of geopolitical competitions, while it is also more of a breeding ground for terrorism in recent years . It goes without saying that China has huge strategic interests and security concerns in this region indeed. Therefore, China needs an approach to properly handle the relationship between it and South Asian countries ( as a whole) in order to ensure its own strategic and security interests. |
| Date: | 14 August 2012 |
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| Title: | 152 : Iran’s diplomacy towards Afghanistan: A stabilising factor |
| Author/s: | Didier Chaudet |
| Abstract: | Iran is often seen only as a ‘rogue state’ by the Un ited States (US) and its Western allies. But the idea that one of the oldest civili s ations is now ruled by ‘ mullahs ’ with no rational vision of international affairs is rather simplistic. The fact is that, even if some in the Iranian political elite can be seen as ‘hawks’ or leaders of a nationalist ‘neoconservative’ movement, Tehran is rather pragmatic in international affairs. Of course , the Islamic Republic can be protectively aggressive if it is provoked or feel s threatened, but its first goal is to pr otect itself as a regime and as a nation. The best example of this can be seen when one takes a close look at the Afghan istan - Iran relationship. What can be seen in the recent past as well as in the post - 9/11 period is that the Iranian thinking towards its neighbour is dictated by a sense of realism . In that perspective, Iran can be a force for stability in Afghanistan immediately after 2014... if old wounds and Washington’s tensions with Tehran do not come in the way. |
| Date: | 12 July 2012 |
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| Title: | 151 : Globalisation and Suicides in India: An Economic Analysis |
| Author/s: | Amitendu Palit & Pratima Singh |
| Date: | 2 July 2012 |
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| Title: | 150 : India’s Electoral Laws, Political Corruption and the Supreme Court |
| Author/s: | Ronojoy Sen |
| Abstract: | There are two facts about Indian politics that merit urgent attention. First, the number of Members of Parliament (MPs) in the Lok Sabha or Lower House (which is directly elected by the people in a first-past-the-post system) with criminal records is striking. In the current Lok Sabha – which came into existence in 2009 – the number of MPs with criminal charges against them is 162, which work out to nearly 30 per cent of MPs having either criminal cases registered against them or pending in court. The more crucial figure is that 76 MPs, or 14 per cent of the total number of MPs, were charged with criminal cases that could attract imprisonment of five years or more. In the earlier (2004) Lok Sabha, the picture was not much better. There were 128 MPs with pending criminal cases against them, out of whom 58 had serious criminal cases registered against them.2 This has led to the perception, as the Supreme Court puts it, that the ‘law breakers have become the law makers’. |
| Date: | 14 June 2012 |
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| Title: | 149 : Whatever Happened To ‘Land Reform’ |
| Author/s: | Robin Jeffrey |
| Abstract: | The paper traces Indian policy towards land use and ownership from pre-independence times till today. It notes that ‘land reform’ – an ill-defined term – began to disappear from political platforms and policy agendas from the 1970s and offers, as a heuristic device, four naive explanations. In dealing with each explanation, the paper exposes its inadequacy and analyzes essential features of land questions in India. The paper concludes that by the first decade of the 21st century ‘land’ for various socio-economic groups had become ‘real estate’ – a platform for people to buy, sell and build on, not a place on which to live and grow food. |
| Date: | 8 June 2012 |
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| Title: | 148 : Economic Reforms in India: Perpetuating Policy Paralysis |
| Author/s: | Amitendu Palit |
| Abstract: | This paper examines the current state of economic reforms in India and the phenomenon of policy paralysis leading to almost complete lack of progress on reforms. It studies the qualitative aspects of reforms in India over the last couple of decades and explains how these have changed over time. It discusses the r ole of coalition governments, an increasingly regressive political economy and lack of strong political leadership in fostering the policy paralysis and expects the latter to prevail in the foreseeable future. |
| Date: | 29 March 2012 |
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| Title: | 147 : India’s Unilateral Tariff Withdrawal for South Asian Countries |
| Author/s: | Pratima Singh |
| Abstract: | This paper studies economic integration in the South Asian region using an India - centric approach. It recommends that the gains from India withdrawing its tariff on imports from South Asian countries hugely outweigh the losses for the region. The four bila teral trade relationships analysed cover India - Pakistan, India - Bangladesh, India - Sri Lanka and India - Nepal. The Indo - Pakistan relationship shows Pakistan’s exports to India contribute much less to India’s total imports than to Pakistan’s GDP. The benefits of India unilaterally withdrawing tariffs, thus, are much greater than the costs. Similarly, the India - Bangladesh trade relationship, despite having many complementary characteristics, is not very well established. India announced duty free access to some textile imports from Bangladesh in September 2011 3 and should be encouraged to declare ‘zero tariff’ rates on all major Bangladeshi imports. The India - Sri Lanka relationship, despite having a Free Trade Agreement (FTA), is restricted in many ways. Similarl y, the Indo - Nepal trade relationship, despite a 60 year FTA, is still protectionist in nature. It is important that these protective criteria be removed in favour of improving trade between the countries. Each of the countries mentioned in the paper will g ain immensely if India opens up its borders to their ex ports. These gains will outweigh the minor losses for India which will be more than compensated for by its increased goodwill. Economic integration is important to maintain stability in this region and the four bilateral relationships described above are crucial. |
| Date: | 20 March 2012 |
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| Title: | 146 : India’s Unilateral Tariff Withdrawal for South Asian Countries |
| Author/s: | Pratima Singh |
| Abstract: | T his paper studies economic integration in the South Asian region using an India - centric approach. It recommends that the gains from India withdrawing its tariff on imports from South Asian countries hugely outweigh the losses for the region. The four bilat eral trade relationships analysed cover India - Pakistan, India - Bangladesh, India - Sri Lanka and India - Nepal. The Indo - Pakistan relationship shows Pakistan’s exports to India contribute much less to India’s total imports than to Pakistan’s GDP. The benefits o f India unilaterally withdrawing tariffs, thus, are much greater than the costs. Similarly, the India - Bangladesh trade relationship, despite having many complementary characteristics, is not very well established. India announced duty free access to some t extile imports from Bangladesh in September 2011 3 and should be encouraged to declare ‘zero tariff’ rates on all major Bangladeshi imports. The India - Sri Lanka relationship, despite having a Free Trade Agreement (FTA), is restricted in many ways. Similarly , the Indo - Nepal trade relationship, despite a 60 year FTA, is still protectionist in nature. It is important that these protective criteria be removed in favour of improving trade between the countries. Each of the countries mentioned in the paper will ga in immensely if India opens up its borders to their imports. These gains will outweigh the minor losses for India which will be more than compensated for by its increased goodwill. Economic integration is important to maintain stability in this region and the four bilateral relationships described above are crucial. |
| Date: | 17 March 2012 |
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| Title: | 145 : Stabilising the Neighbourhood? : India’s Flip Flop Approach to Maldives Crisis |
| Author/s: | S D Muni |
| Abstract: | ISA S Working Paper No. 14 5 – 16 March 201 2 469A Bukit Timah Road #07 - 01 Tower Block National University of Singapore Singapore 259770 Tel: 6516 4239 / 6516 6179 Fax: 6776 7505 / 6314 5447 Email: isassec@nus.edu.sg Website: www.isas.nus.edu.sg Stabilising the Neighbourhood? : India’s Flip Flop Approach to Maldives Crisis S D M uni 1 It has gradually dawned on the Indian policy mak ers that neighbourhood is strategically critical for India’s stability, development, security and also its regional and global aspirations. Since the beginning of this century, a clear admission of this reality has been articulated officially ; from foreign secretaries to the prime ministers. An independent group of strategic analysts in their latest report says: Interstate politics in South Asia has direct spill - over effects into domestic and regional politics in India. India’s ability to command respect i s considerably diminished by the resistance it meets in the region. South Asia also places fetters on India’s global ambitions. 2 |
| Date: | 16 March 2012 |
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| Title: | 144 : From Isolation to Partnership: The Evolution of India’s Military Diplomacy |
| Author/s: | Chilamkuri Raja Mohan |
| Abstract: | On the face of it, ̳military‘ and ̳diplomacy‘ belong to two very different realms. Diplomacy is peaceful interaction between nations aimed at resolving differences and promoting cooperation. If diplomacy is the first line of engagement between states, military is seen as the last and i nvolves use of force. The connection between diplomacy and use of force, however, should not be seen as two ends of a spectrum. States have long used demonstration of military capabilities and threats of use of force as instruments to boost negotiating le verage with other states. ̳Gunboat diplomacy‘ is a well - established tradition in modern statecraft. |
| Date: | 28 February 2012 |
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| Title: | 143 :Sino-Pakistan Strategic Entente: Implications for Regional Security |
| Author/s: | Rajshree Jetly |
| Abstract: | Sino - Pakistan relations stand out as one of the few enduring friendships that have withstood the pressures of time and shifting geo - strategic conditions. This paper discusses the defence and security dimensions of the Sino - Pak relationship which have been based on shared strategic interests and geo - political goals. It analyses some of the important political and geo - strategic issues affecting this relationship. The paper also looks at the regional and international dimensions, in particular the relevance of India and the United States to Sino - Pak relations. It examines the trajectory of Indo - US strategic ties and the downward spiralling of US - Pak relations which triggers its own logic on Sino - Pak security dynamics. The paper argues that as long as India - Pak istan peace process remains grounded on the issue of terrorism and Kashmir, and Pakistan ' s relations with US are a downward spiral, Pakistan would continue to view China as its most strategic ally in counterbalancing India, and to some extent the US. China will also have an inherent stake in shoring Pakistan ' s political and military stability in terms of its long - term security interests in the South, Central and Western Asian region, and checking the rising presence and power profile of the US. Finally the paper concludes that notwithstanding some strains and pressures in the relationship, Sino - Pak friendship will endure in the foreseeable future. |
| Date: | 14 February 2012 |
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| Title: | 142 : Moving to Europe: Bangladeshi Migration to Italy |
| Author/s: | Md Mizanur Rahman and Mohammad Alamgir Kabir |
| Abstract: | Reformation of immigration policy in Italy has paved the way for the emergence of some non-European emigrant communities in Italy including Bangladeshi community. This study addresses the Bangladeshi migration to Italy by highlighting the context of immigrant reception in Italy, characteristics of Bangladeshi emigrants, their channels of migration, role of intermediaries in the migration process, the economic cost of migration, and inflows of remittances and their implications for family dynamics in Bangladesh. This study draws from the Bangladesh Household Remittance Survey conducted by the International Organisation for Migration (IOM) - Dhaka in 2009. The study reports that opportunities in the Italian labour market translate into increased opportunities for the migrant families left behind in Bangladesh. |
| Date: | 6 February 2012 |
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| Title: | 141 : Migration between South and Southeast Asia: Role of Interstate Cooperation |
| Author/s: | Rupa Chanda |
| Abstract: | Asia is the second most important host region for international migrants, next only to Europe. According to United Nations statistics, in 20 10, the region was host to 61 million international migrants, or 29 percent of the world's migrant stock. Asia has exhibited the highest growth as a host region for migrants in the 2005 - 10 period with an annual average growth rate of 2.1 percent in the sto ck of migrants hosted by the region during this period. 3 Asia is home to some of the most important destination and source countries for migrant workers in the world. The significance of Asia as a source region for migration is also indicated by the fact t hat several Asian countries figure among the leading recipients of remittances in the world. |
| Date: | 2 February 2012 |
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| Title: | 140 : Migration between South and Southeast Asia: Overview of Trends and Issues |
| Author/s: | Rupa Chanda |
| Abstract: | International migration is an important facet of globalization today. There were an estimated 214 million international migrants in 2009, constituting around 3.1 percent of the world's population, up from around 82 million in 1970, reflecting the huge increase in international migration flows over the past few decades. 2 An interesting feature of this migratio n is the growing importance of South - South migration flows. It is estimated that around 47 percent of migrants from developing countries migrate to other developing countries. The number of migrants in the South has increased by 75 percent over the past 40 years, with the true size of South - South migration estimated at around 74 million. 3 Hence, South - South migration is almost as large as South - North migration and developing countries and developing countries are confronted with policy challenges as both so urce and host nations. |
| Date: | 2 February 2012 |
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| Title: | 139 : America’s Asia Policy |
| Author/s: | Shahid Javed Burki |
| Abstract: | The groundwork for America’s new Asian approach, released as a part of its new defence strategy was prepared in the three visits the United States President Barack Obama has taken to the continent. In each of these the American leader’s position shifted, taking him slowly towards where he stands today. In the first visit in November 2009, centred on a visit to China, he was prepared to welcome Beijing to the front row of global policymaking. In the second, he welcomed India’s rise and expressed his country’s willingness to cooperate with New Delhi to craft a new world order in which the two large Asian powers, China and India, will play stabilising roles. In the third visit in November 2011, the American president began to articulate a policy aimed at containing China and making Asia a central American preoccupation. Now with the release of the Defence Strategy the United States has signalled a major shift in its geographic focus. It will now give more attention to Asia, in particular to the Pacific region. This paper examines the strategy and the implication of this move by the Obama administration for the South Asian subcontinent. |
| Date: | 13 January 2012 |
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